Troubling Facts about MaRS Discovery District (Part 4 of 4): Suggestions for Public Support to Entrepreneurs
As my previous posts show, Ontario’s current hub-centric model for promoting innovation and entrepreneurship is expensive, unfair, and ineffective. The Minister of Research and Innovation should take note and explore alternative models, rather than continuing to pour taxpayer’s dollars into an expanding bureaucratic network with high fixed costs and built-in inefficiencies.
The Chamber of Commerce in Ottawa has taken notice too and is criticizing the lack of oversight of OCRI and its expansion in activities it traditionally conducted, according to an article in the Ottawa Business Journal yesterday.
To explore alternatives and fuel a discussion, I have highlighted a menu of options below. As a disclaimer, I am not a policy expert on the matter of entrepreneurship, but a practitioner, so do please consider those as draft proposals for crowdsourced discussion and improvement.
Overall, propositions fall into 2 groups: clean up and downsize the current system (lots to do on that end , to compensate for the unbridled expansion of the innovation bureaucracy in recent years), and replace it with tax refunds for commercialization investments and (possibly) loan guarantees for entrepreneurs.
Proposition 1: Let active entrepreneurs design the system
Conduct a public consultation with active entrepreneurs or, probably better, let’s put together an objective, wide-ranging group of entrepreneurs and task them with proposing changes to the system. Give the floor to a good range of start-ups and early-stage ventures.
Entrepreneurs are the true actors of commercialization, they are the only ones who ultimately take new ideas and turn them into reality. However, the system so far seems to have been designed and run with limited inputs and influence from those, and I personally noticed an assumption at hubs that entrepreneurs don’t know what they are doing when it comes to commercialization – which is far from the truth. As “clients”, they should be listened to: that’s Commercialization 101.
Proposition 2: Cut executive compensation at innovation hubs
This one is a complete no-brainer — assuming we do not suppress the positions of CEOs and executives at innovation hubs, another proposition worthy of consideration. If you want to restore trust in the public system, you need to rationalize compensation at innovation hubs, and that means slashing it at the top of the pyramids.
There is nothing in what hubs do that justify such salary levels for their CEOs and top executives. If one is going to receive a check every month with no correlation between pay and contribution to the economy, then that pay should be the minimum that’s needed to fill the position. $400K+ is by no means the minimum needed to fill up the position of CEOs at institutions with less than 100 employees like MaRS, Communitech or OCRI. This is true in this period of economic uncertainty, and it will remain true afterwards.
Proposition 3: Eliminate grants and special funds
Governments contribute more to economic growth with tax cuts than with increases in spending. It’s not me saying it, it’s Canadian CEOs, according to a recent poll in the current issue of Canadian Business.
Direct spending by the government is less effective than tax cuts for a number of reasons, primarily having to do with the government not being as careful with its money as companies and consumers. As a result, money is often handed out based on relationships rather than expected performance. That in turn distorts the market, fuels taxpayer’s resentment, and generally does not deliver the expected results.
Hubs love innovation grants and special funds. MaRS, in particular, is pushing very hard to control those, because it has understood that they constitute the key source of discretionary power. As a local entrepreneur emailed me: “Whenever there is government pot of money involved, you get a bun fight and everyone trying to control the supply of buns.” And as the end result, only a small portion of the buns actually reaches the intended recipient.
MaRS apparently took full control of the Investment Accelerator Fund this month. Of course, that calls for hiring more people, so on April 20 they issued this job ad for an Investment Accelerator Fund (IAF) Coordinator, just to help the “IAF Managing Director and Investment Team”. Only entrepreneurs “already engaged with program Entrepreneurs-in-Residence (EIR) or MaRS Advisors to access specialized advisory services” qualify. Since you need to be selected to work with those, paying lip service to the institution is not optional. In business I believe that would be called Tying, also known as Forced Bundling, and it is illegal. Not to mention Dumping of services, too.
Grants and any selective attribution of money are the source of too many evils – they should only be considered a last resort to help entrepreneurs. With little transparency and many potential conflicts of interest, this is a scandal waiting to happen. As entrepreneur Stephen van Egmond commented in part 3 of this series, it is hard not to think of the Canadian eHealth fiasco. So I say let’s be smart and preempt it before we waste more millions: eliminate all grants and special funds all together. Good riddance.
Proposition 4: Eliminate consulting services delivered by public advisors
I developed this point in the previous posts, so I’ll summarize it here: the direct delivery of strategy and marketing services by public advisors is not efficient due to a lack of performance management “by design”; it also distorts the market and hurts the creation of a viable ecosystem of private providers; and finally, it leads to conflicts of interest when coupled with grants and programs.
Moreover, hub advisors paid by the taxpayer should not be allowed to maintain their own private companies on the side, a rule that is already enforced for any government employee. Assuming consulting services are still provided by the hub in spite of the recommendation not to, then there should be fair and competitive procurement policies and only private providers with no work association to the hub should be allowed to bid. Decisions should be fully documented. The people who are hired to make those decisions should come from diverse backgrounds (including minorities – see part 2), and should be tied by strict rules and independent oversight.
In any case, public hubs should focus on what a hub normally does: connecting and educating large number of entrepreneurs (assuming chambers of commerce and universities don’t do it). Not catering to the interests of a few select ones. The private sector does that better.
Proposition 5: Eliminate public incubators
I also talked about this before. In a nutshell: public incubators like the ones ran by MaRS and Communitech are not needed. They compete with viable commercial space and private incubators. Cancel the incubators program and sell the buildings to the private sector. Then use the money to feed tax refunds for entrepreneurs.
Companies primarily rent offices at those public incubators because of the proximity to public subsidies. The “chance encounters” and “creation of a global address” arguments are based on little more than hot-air theories with no fact to back them up. They do not justify multimillion-dollar investments. If I want chance encounters, I can easily go to one of the gazillion events organized by the entrepreneurship communities in those areas.
The hubs actually built those incubators to create endowments equivalent to a perpetual public subsidy. With 80% of the MaRS budget after real estate costs going to salaries, this subsidy is mostly used to add more bureaucrats. Few taxpayers I know would agree with that.
Note that with the extension of SR&ED to commercialization activities (as proposed below), private incubators and commercial office space would be indirectly subsidized, and they would still have to compete for that money with other commercialization activities. That’s a much healthier, market-based way to support entrepreneurs than creating public incubators.
Proposition 6: Require public reporting of all grant decisions and results, with independent third-party oversight
There should be detailed public reporting of the money given to hubs, and of the results delivered: not just on activity and effort (“we helped x companies” and “had x appointments”), or results that might have happened anyway, but on actual “performance improvement”.
This is notoriously difficult to measure, but there is an excellent proxy: the willingness of entrepreneurs to pay for your services at market prices (and without bundling those services with grants!). Hubs should drink their own medicine on commercialization and charge market prices for their advisors. Being in that business, I predict they would fail to cover even 20% of their disproportionate cost base. Only lean cats survive in the wild.
Assuming we don’t get rid of hub advisory services and grants all together (a shame), there are some alternatives, although mediocre:
- Require full disclosure of all program decisions: who applied for grants, who got selected, who completed the selection, and the rationale for the decision.
- Have a (truly) independent third party, paid by an independent body, conduct random, anonymous survey of client satisfaction. To that end, the audience should be defined as any start-up in the area of service, and not just companies that contacted the institution or were selected as a client.
- Have a third-party auditor also conduct random sampling of results for the recipients of those grants.
- Enforce a strict separation between the attribution of grants and the advisory services. Short of that, entrepreneurs will fear for their grant (as they do now) and not disclose their true evaluation of the services.
Note all of this adds to the red tape and costs to the taxpayer though, and since those advisory services and grants have terrible ROI by design, the best option remains scrapping them.
Proposition 7: Require annual reports, financial statements, and full disclosure of all public salaries above $100K
Right now it seems that hubs like Communitech and OCRI escape any form of salary disclosure, even though they received large provincial grants. It’s also unclear whether the disclosed salaries for MaRS include all compensation. According to information I could not verify, the CEO’s annual compensation might be closer to $700K after bonuses. In any case, this all points to potential loopholes in the sunshine disclosure.
Requiring disclosure of all financials and salaries above $100K for institutions receiving public money (be it municipal, provincial or federal) would extend much beyond hubs and would be useful in adding some transparency to the public sector as a whole. This disclosure should include all of the money received, and offer detailed breakdowns.
Proposition 8: Drop the Ontario Network of Excellence initiative
The Ontario Network of Excellence (ONE) has been designed to be a MaRS-led province wide network that will affect every organization that supports entrepreneurs in Ontario. Organizations that submitted expressions of interests to ONE are being asked to prepare their business plans now.
The “access to expertise just around the block” – as mentioned on the page I referenced above – clearly points to a frightening expansion of this bureaucracy, with little in it for entrepreneurs. With the internet, I believe we’ve always had access to (actual) expertise, and we don’t even need to go “around the block”. This looks like more red tape and the fact that a large component of it will be coordinated by MaRS means they will apply their own “worst practices” to the whole network, i.e. no transparency and deficient result report.
Trimming down bureaucracies has always been a great way to fuel innovation, so let’s cancel that initiative.
Those 8 propositions is what it would take to clean up the current system. Having done that, we could move to provide actual support to actual entrepreneurs!
Proposition 9: Refund commercialization expenses through the tax system
I believe the most productive approach to channeling public resources towards entrepreneurs would be to extend the successful SR&ED tax refund to commercialization activities.
First, tax incentives are much fairer because they involve clear attribution rules, with much less room for subjective decisions. A startup in Huntsville would have the same “chances” of getting that money as one hosted in the MaRS incubator. The decision would not rely on whether you pay lip service to hub bureaucrats, and those bureaucrats would not need to be entrusted with picking winners – let’s leave that to venture capitalists.
Second, tax incentives are more efficient, because they feed less red tape: tax auditors conduct random controls, that’s it. That means bureaucrats take a smaller cut. The money goes directly to entrepreneurs, who get to decide independently how to invest it.
How would that work in practice?
Right now, SR&ED offers great tax credits of 35% up to $3M and 20% after that for R&D investments (broadly defined to cover most product development with some level of technological risk). It is controlled by Canada Revenue, anyone can claim the credits (with detailed documentation that makes fraud difficult), and even solo entrepreneurs can give themselves a salary and claim it to receive 35% of it back. My suggestion would be to simply extend that to commercialization activities for start-ups and early-stage ventures.
The key challenge would be to find the right selection criteria to restrict it to true innovation plays, but even that should not be a big problem. In fact, it would feed an interesting debate: what type of innovation, as a society, do we want to encourage? Is it just technological innovation? Not my pick, but you could do that by restricting the commercialization tax refund to SR&ED recipients, or to startups with patents. On the other end of the spectrum, it could even be extended outside technological innovation: after all, as Peter Drucker said, there are many sources of innovation, and I’d argue that a lot of it today takes place in business models and packaging existing technologies rather than from lab technologies. Think iPad and even Blackberry (or, to go farther in time, the banking system, which created lots of value even though it was not technological in nature).
Note there is already a program called the Ontario Tax Exemption for Commercialization (more details on OTEC here), however it provides a ten year tax exemption for new corporations that commercialize intellectual property that is developed by qualifying Canadian universities or colleges. Two problems: the tax exemption is of little use to startups in their pre-revenue years, and the requirement that the IP be developed at universities or colleges makes it very restrictive. So I think an extension of SR&ED would be easier.
But the acronym doesn’t really matter as long as entrepreneurs are in charge of their commercialization spend and the government refunds part of that to compensate for the higher risk in starting new ventures.
Proposition 10: Extend the Canadian Small Business Financing Loan Program
This idea was put forward by Ian Graham of the Code Factory in Ottawa (thanks Ian), who foresees a challenge with tax refunds: an entrepreneur needs to spend money to get the credits back, so a kickstart would be great. With the Canadian Small Business Financing Loan (CSBFL), the government guarantees 75% of a loan and the entrepreneur 25%, working with the banks to do this.
The problem with CSBFL today is that it is only for capital expenses, which are used as collateral for the loan. A similar program for operating capital (salaries and opex) would be ideal.
I see risks of fraud if there is no tangible collateral for the loan, and I tend to think that entrepreneurs should find a bit of money to pay themselves before starting. However, assuming that the risk is addressed in the design of the program, it would indeed be a useful program that could get lots of entrepreneurs started.
Proposition 11: Make it more attractive for both Canadian and foreign private investors to invest in Canadian early-stage ventures
In the footstep of recent successes to lobby the federal government for the modification of section 116, which removed some bureaucratic obstacles to foreign investments in Canadian start-ups, we must continue to make it more attractive for foreign angels and VCs to invest here.
The proposed extension of SR&ED to commercialization activities would go a long way in making such investments more attractive. Other measures should be explored to reduce red tape and optimize incentives (through the tax system).
In parallel, we should also explore the successes of other regions, such as the Silicon Valley or Israel.
Proposition 12: Engineer an “Own the Podium” culture, again
Canada has a great immigration policy, a solid engineering base and long winters to keep us all working. It also has universal healthcare. This is great for entrepreneurs.
We have the key ingredients to create a real culture of entrepreneurship, to make local champions like RIM less of an exception and more like the norm. What’s missing is self-confidence and entrepreneurship-friendly policies.
We need to trust that Canadians can own the Podium, that they can win without social assistance. We need to accept failure and frown upon inaction. We need to stop wasting time applying for grants. The Silicon Valley wasn’t built on grants, it was built by attracting the best talent, the best companies, and setting up an environment in which they could freely use their skills, try things out, and try again until it worked.
We also need rules that are designed by entrepreneurs, not by bureaucrats. I’ll give you a tiny example, one that affects me personally: stock options are taxed differently for contractors and employees. And SR&ED does not refund money spent on contractors. Yet the best mode of delivery of my services is as a contractor, not as an employee. Now because of this, it is difficult to offer stock options payment to my clients, or leverage SR&ED when I get involved in product development work. Take many rules like that, put them together, and you have the basis for a system that is not as friendly to entrepreneurs as it could be.
So we are back to proposition 1: the government should crowdsource its innovation policy-making to active entrepreneurs. An entrepreneur would not have given MaRS $130M to buy buildings and create a bureaucracy of smoke and mirrors.
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- Troubling Facts about MaRS Discovery District (Part 3.5 of 4) (growthtimes.com)
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